The problem with this position is that Putin himself has consistently refused to meet, negotiate, or even speak on the phone with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. Many misguided Western politicians and commentators continue to call on Ukraine to negotiate with Putin. The only language he understands is the language of overwhelming strength. The West cannot compromise over crimes against humanity on this scale. He wages wars of aggression and ruthlessly orders the destruction of entire cities. Instead, the word “provocation” should be retired from the Western discussion about Putin.Ī similarly gentlemanly idea is the notion that the West must allow Putin to save face. Putin has started an unprovoked and unjustified war, but it is the West that must not provoke him? Such thinking is essentially a call to allow a Russian victory and accept Ukrainian defeat. It is difficult to see any logic in these concerns. Meanwhile, similar arguments dominate the debate in Europe and fuel a mood of excessive caution that only serves to embolden Putin. Members of the current US administration appear to embrace the same flawed idea. For this reason, US President Barack Obama refused to deliver lethal weapons to Ukraine. Western fears of “provoking Putin” are particularly unhelpful. This is the only way to ensure that Putin fails and Ukraine wins. The West must therefore not seek to avoid escalation, but should demonstrate a readiness to escalate more and faster. The Russian dictator is well aware of this and always escalates until he has won or been defeated. One key problem when dealing with Putin is the Western fear of escalation. A number of common misconceptions need to be addressed and debunked if the West wishes to get Russia right. Ukrainians tend to understand Putin very well but surprisingly few Westerners do. Understanding Putin is the key to forming effective Western policies toward Russia and Ukraine. Putin also fears the rise of a democratic Ukraine and views the country’s Euro-Atlantic integration as an existential threat to his own authoritarian regime. He needs war not to make Russia great again but to increase his popularity and justify his repressive domestic policies. He hides this self-interest behind a façade of revisionist Russian nationalism that helps secure popular support for his criminal rule.Īs I have argued in my book, “Russia’s Crony Capitalism: The Path from Market Economy to Kleptocracy,” Putin’s personal politics combine authoritarianism and kleptocracy. They fail to recognize that he is an authoritarian kleptocrat who does not care about Russia’s national interest and is focused instead on his power and wealth. In reality, neither bleeding heart liberals nor diehard realists truly understand Vladimir Putin. Many international observers still assume Russia is a rational actor and believe policies of appeasement can bring the conflict in Ukraine to an end. The war in Ukraine has exposed the fundamental failure of Western audiences to appreciate the true nature of modern Russia.
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